


'« . . * 



' » • s \ ' 






'<^-\ 

.•^.r 









> « 



O N O ' ^^ 



.^ 



'^jS^: 






^o. 






tAo'^ 



V^ ' * " 


, % 




. ' » <? c> 


• 








'"^v 


-'^^r^ 


c 


.■■y^\ 








O -f . 






•^^ 


>^' 




> °o 








^ 



, tV?-"- 






V 



,0 






rr, 



iSS; . 




'9-, " o 



>s 



-Jy^ 






.'■:5!i'::' .k^ 



^"^^ 



.v-^. 









'^- ■ A^ ..-.. ^<f>^ ,0- ,0"" 



o 



^i^i^>: <£^°<v 






^__ 












:'^; 



-^^ 



^^o 






.^ 








!"* 


•^o. 


-T' 




'^^'k: 

.>,i?> 








« .-; 




'-'^s" 
->^^. 



;^a<^ 






HISTORICAL PAPERS 

delivered before the 

Society of Colonial Wars 

of the 

State of Michigan 





c "^ 



CliArknce Monroe Burton 



27 Brainard Strkkx 



DETROIT 



"PIONEERS AND PATRIOTS" 



ADDRESS OF 

DR. EDWIN ERLE SPARKS 
of the University of Chicago. 



•THE BOUNDARY LINES OF THE UNITED STATES 
UNDER THE TREATY OF 1782." 

ADDRESS OF 

MR. CLARENCE M. BURTON, 
of Detroit. 



Delivered at the Annual Dinner of the Society 
May Seventh, Nineteen Hundred Seven 

At the Detroit Club, 
Detroit. 



1908 

WINN & HAMMOND 

Detkoit 



\/.lYl. ftuin^^nv 



ns'08 



PIONEERS AND PATRIOTS. 



ADDRESS OF 
DR. EDWIN ERLE SPARKS, 

OF THB University op Chicago. 
May 7, 1907. 



Mr. Governor and Members of the Society of 
Colonial Wars: 

Curious foreigners who have come to our shores 
to study us and to write a book after three weeks 
study — others have stayed longer as our distin- 
guished representative (Bryce) of the British King 
at the present time,^ who has seen us as no one else 
has seen us — many of these foreigners I say, have 
endeavored to find, if possible, the real essence, the 
climax, the most characteristic thing of the Ameri- 
can people. Some of them have thought that in 
Washington they found it in the assembling of 
Congress. Others have said that the highest type 
of the American Republic is to be found upon some 
Inauguration Day when the outgoing president 
rides side by side up Pennsylvania Avenue with an 
incoming president ; the outgoing president yielding 
his position solely to the ballot box, no other force 
than that ; and we thereby find the chief difference 
between us and the South American republics, 
where, when a new president is elected, he takes his 
position if he can succeed in putting the other 
fellow out, and this usually breeds a Revolution. 
So that someone has said they are all Sons of the 
Revolution down there. (Laughter). Others have 
found the essence of the American Republic in our 
educational system. I believe I will go beyond 
those factors and will find the culmination of Ameri- 
can development in such meetings as we have here 



tonight ; places where the highest type of Americans 
shall come together and by a system of comity, of 
good fellowship, of friendship, of pure Americanism, 
patriotically revive and keep alive the traditions of 
the past. (Applause.) 

Someone has well said that the nation which loses 
its traditions itself must soon perish. The nations 
of the old world hand down their traditions. We 
think of the modern Greek, how he goes back to 
the days of Thermopylae; we think of the modem 
Italian who runs away back to the days of Romulus 
and of Remus ; we think of the numerous traditions 
of the German; we think of the Englishman whose 
history goes back to King Arthur's time. All these 
are old, centuries old. American history is simply 
the footnote, if you will allow me that expression, 
upon the great page of history. Yet we have our 
traditions ; we have our Washington, we have our 
Lincoln and other great men, and as long, I say, 
as we keep alive these traditions by such occasions 
as this, I am satisfied that we shall not perish from 
the earth. It is therefore always a great pleasure 
to me to make one in such a meeting as this, espe- 
cially when we have such good things to eat and 
such excellent things to drink and some very fine 
things to burn ; where you have something a little 
more tempting than Father's Oats, or some kind 
of breakfast food, where you do not depend entirely 
upon Postmortem Cereal. (Laughter.) I take it, 
I say, that here foregathers the very essence of 
Americanism. 

I am to speak upon the subject of Pioneers and 
Patriots, and I wish in advance that I could bring 
you something of such merit and such worth and 
such practical value as the words to which you have 
just listened. I have one thing in mind, my friends, 
if you will allow me, and that is that just as soon 
as the chair of Diplomatic History is vacant in the 
University of Chicago, you will lose one of your 
prominent citizens; (Applause) that is, if he is still 
out of a job. 



A Voice: He won't be out of a job. 

Dr. Sparks: He represents, if you will allow 
me to say so, and if his modesty will permit, he 
represents a certain type of American, the type of 
the American business man who is willing to give 
a portion of his time for the furtherance of the 
interests of the American public. It sometimes hap- 
pens that a man's services to the Commonwealth 
comes in public office; sometimes it comes in public 
work such as he is doing here; and no man, I take 
it, appreciates more than I do as a teacher of Ameri- 
can history, the value of the service that he is per- 
forming in bringing these documents where they 
can be made available to our students of American 
history. As your Governor has well said, he is 
performing a really great public service, and a 
greater public service because it is so little known 
and commonly brings such little applause with it. 
The quiet man who works along thoroughly the 
line that he has found is to my mind the typical 
American. (Applause.) 

I come as a speaker from the University of 
Chicago, and I appreciate, my friends, in full just 
what that means. I know what kind of a reputation 
the members of the faculty of the University of 
Chicago enjoy, so far as newspaper reports are con- 
cerned. I found a clipping today in a newspaper 
which represents a tramp standing at a door talking 
to a very benevolent looking housekeeper, who is 
handing him out a bit of left-overs. She says to 
him, "My dear man, what makes you talk so wildly, 
so peculiarly?" He said, "My dear woman, I cannot 
help it. I was once a professor in the University of 
Chicago." (Laughter.) Now, I am aware that 
over there we have a reputation for saying wild 
things. I am aware that our president is supposed 
popularly never to open his mouth without an- 
nouncing a gift of a million or two, a million or 
three, and immediately there is a fluctuation in the 
price of a standard commodity that is used generally 
throughout the United States. (Laughter.) I am 



aware also that when the members of the faculty 
are turned loose from their padded cells, they are 
supposed to give a thrill with every utterance, or 
your money back at the door. They are supposed 
to announce some startling topic on every occasion, 
something as the result of private investigation. 
For instance, as a teacher of History, popularly I 
am supposed this evening to announce to you some 
celebrated discovery. For instance, I might be 
supposed to announce that after mature delibera- 
tion and investigation and searches of the histori- 
cal records, it has at last been discovered that 
Caesar was not assassinated; that Brutus and 
Cassius and the rest of the conspirators, so 
called, were simply endeavoring to perform a 
surgical operation upon Caesar for the removal of 
his appendix; (Laughter) and that he resisted and 
disastrous results followed. Or I might be sup- 
posed, turning to French history, to make a great 
discovery about Charles the Fat; that is, Charles 
the Fat, why did he become so? Or Charles the 
Bald, what did he do for it? Or, if I turn to 
American history, I might be supposed to announce 
that after mature deliberation and long research, it 
has been found that George Washington had no 
intention of destroying the cherry tree, but that he 
was simply trying to graft a new species upon that 
cherry tree, and that therefore in place of the great 
and good man he is usually supposed to be, he was, 
in fact, the first great American grafter (Laughter). 

Now, these are some of the things that we are 
supposed to announce from time to time. But I 
have come over without any startling announce- 
ment to make, without any manuscript to read, 
simply to talk to you a little about the pioneers of 
the early days. 

To my mind, these Colonial Wars, being fought 
as they were almost entirely upon the Atlantic Coast 
Plain, represent the beginning of a greater move- 
ment in later times. This Atlantic Coast Plain, 
varying from fifty to two hundred miles in width, 



was the scene of the early dramas, of the early 
events, of American history. Here Civilization 
took her stand, and here Civilization recruited her- 
self for the long march across the American con- 
tinent. We are tonight many miles and miles from 
that Atlantic Coast Plain, but nearly all of us 
descendants from ancestors who were born upon or 
migrated from that Atlantic Coast Plain. In Cali- 
fornia the same thing would be true. We have 
marched straight across the continent. De Tocque- 
ville away back in 1832 visited us, and like James 
Bryce in later years, he undertook to describe the 
Americans as they were. He said, "The American 
people are moving straight across the North Ameri- 
can continent like a people pushed on by the relent- 
less hand of God." 

It would have been enough to my mind here in 
America if we had solved the problem, as we have 
to a certain extent, of representative government. 
It is true we have not succeeded altogether ; we have 
failed in some respects. But we have created a 
republic upon a larger scale than ever was dreamed 
of in preceding times. The republics of Greece 
were simply little provinces. The republic of the 
Netherlands might be set down in one of our states. 
The republic of Switzerland would be lost in several 
of the counties in Michigan. And yet those were 
the only republics until we started the plan here, 
and worked it out on this magnificent scale. It 
would have been enough, to my mind, if we had 
worked out only the principles of religious freedom. 
We have no religious tolerance in America; but we 
do have religious freedom ! Tolerance pre-supposes 
the right of the state to prescribe the religion. Here 
in America the state has no right to prescribe any 
kind of religion, so that we have no toleration of 
religion; we have freedom of religion. (Applause.) 
It would have been enough, in other words, if we 
had worked out the separation of church and state 
as we have worked it out in America, thus leading 
the world in that particular. It would have been 



enough if we had developed the individual rights of 
the individual man; or solved the problem of 
free and general education. But above all these 
triumphs we have done something more — we have 
conquered a continent; and as we advanced across 
the continent, we have not lost the high grade of 
civilization with which we started. I shall go 
within a few weeks to Oklahoma Territory to attend 
precisely such a function as we have here. I was 
there two years ago. I found the appointments not 
quite so elegant as they are here; but I saw there 
just as good Americans. None of them, probably 
not one man in the room, was born in Oklahoma; 
and yet they represent the American people cross- 
ing the continent and carrying with them the 
ambitions and hopes of civilization. 

In this great work of taming wild nature, the 
pioneers led the way; pioneer farmers, beginning 
at the Atlantic Coast Plain, cleared the forests, 
drained the swamps and planted homes, while going 
across the continent. Well has Walt Whitman said, 
in one place, of these pioneers : 

"Come, my tanned faced children 

Follow well in order, get your weapons ready; 

Have you your pistols? have you your sharp-edged axes? 

Pioneers! O Pioneers! 

For we cannot tarry here, 

We must march, my darlings, we must bear the brunt of 

danger, 
We, the youthful sinewy races, all the rest on us depend, 
Pioneers! O Pioneers! 

So they have done their work, and completed their 
tasks, these pioneers who carved their way, one by 
one, boldly into the West. 

This was no easy task that the pioneer fathers 
faced. They had constantly to deal with the Indian, 
and from the time of the "first encounter" in New 
England, these conflicts were many times repeated. 
Furthermore, they had to strive for the land with 
other nations. The English people were cooped 
up on the Atlantic Coast Plain for nearly two hun- 
dred years, gazing stupidly and stolidly at the 



Appalachian mountains that reared their lofty sum- 
mits in front of them. Now we have conquered 
those mountains. As we go east and west upon 
the great moving hotels, our palatial railway trains, 
we scarcely realize the existence of the mountains. 
But away back in the early days, to cross those 
mountains, was a task indeed. I found, in searching 
through the records of the Maryland Historical 
Society, a letter, which you will pardon me if I 
quote as best I can. One man was writing to 
another man and said, "I am very sorry not to have 
been present at the farewell dinner to Sally last 
week. Poor girl. How sad it is thus to be separ- 
ated from friends and home and all she holds dear, 
perhaps forever." 

The letter was written about 1788. How my 
heart bled for Sally. I didn't know who Sally was; 
but to think of poor Sally, thus being separated 
from friends and home and all she holds dear, per- 
haps forever. It made such an impression on me 
that some time after in the Congressional Library 
at Washington, in looking over the Dulaney papers, 
I came on a Sally, who was undoubtedly the same, 
judging from the date. It seems that Sally was 
Sally Dulaney who lived in Maryland. She was 
about to be married, and this was a farewell dinner 
given tO' her, and the writer of this letter had not 
been able to be present at the dinner. Where was 
Sally going ? She was moving over into Kentucky. 
(Laughter.) "Farewell to her friends and home 
and all she holds dear, perhaps forever." Why, 
Sally going to the Klondike now would not be com- 
pared with Sally going to Kentucky in those days, 
across the mountains. I introduce this for the local 
color, for I think it will impress you as it impressed 
me with the distances in Colonial times. 

Here stood the English then for many years, 
gazing helplessly at the mountains, while the French, 
as has been said tonight, passed swiftly up the St. 
Lawrence River, over the Great Lakes and down 
the Missisippi until they met other Frenchmen com- 



ing in the opposite direction. These nations had 
formed a complete circle around the English, from 
Quebec to New Orleans, and there they were all 
these years, passing back and forwards and fonning 
settlements. Here came in 1701 Cadillac to found 
the City of the Straits. At that time the English 
had not gotten one hundred and fifty miles at any 
one place from the Atlantic Ocean. Governor Spots- 
wood, of Virginia, realized the situation. Some of 
you may have descended from Governor Spotswood, 
of Virginia, for aught I know. He was a good 
ancestor of the Colonial Wars. He had a far 
sighted vision ; he said to the British, "We must get 
across the mountains. The French are encroach- 
ing upon our domain in the valley beyond." There- 
fore he organized an exploring expedition, consist- 
ing of nineteen men, slaves and all. It was a great 
undertaking. They advanced through the forests 
and across the uplands with great difficulty, and 
when they finally reached what they thought was 
the Ohio Valley beyond, they decided to take pos- 
session in the name of his Britannic Majesty, George 
the First of England. They had brought along grav- 
ing tools and proposed to cut upon the solid rocks 
the claim of the King of England to this territory. 
But they had not reached the Ohio Valley; they 
were only up in the Shenandoah Mountains some 
place. They had no appreciation of the distance. 
The carving tools they brought along were not 
equal to carving on those hard rocks. Therefore 
they held a banquet ; I think that was the first ban- 
quet of the Colonial Wars in the early times. 
(Applause.) They held a banquet in the moun- 
tains, and drank the health of the King in eleven 
different kinds of liquors. That is a pretty fast 
pace and one that has been hard to follow since that 
day. In eleven different kinds of liquor they drank 
the health of the King, and then wrote on paper the 
title of the King to the land and put the claims inside 
the empty bottles and buried the bottles. They 
believed in gathering up the fragments, you see, in 
those days. ^q 



Meanwhile the French were developing the Mid- 
dle West. Illinois rejoiced in a very early organ- 
ized society. The French had an organization when 
as yet the English Government was thinly scattered 
over the eastern side of the continent. The Province 
of Louisiana was established before the colony of 
Georgia was founded over on the other side. The 
French had a government, a full code of laws, and a 
complete system of courts in the Mississippi Valley 
before George Washington was born in Virginia. 
Makarty came over and re-built the great Fort 
Chartres, which covered over four acres of ground. 
The entrance gate was fifteen feet high; the walls 
around it were solid walls, cut of stone taken from 
the adjacent cliffs. Every Frenchman who saw the 
lilies of France floating above that structure had 
his heart filled with joy. While the English per- 
sisted in their claim that the boundaries of the land 
which they discovered on the coast should extend 
straightway across the land, the French maintained 
the other great international theory that the dis- 
coverers of a mouth of a river have a right to the 
head of the river. But who would have thought at 
that late time that English colonization would 
ever drive the bold French out of the valley. There 
did come a time when George Washington got the 
start of his great military career by being sent 
across the mountains by Governor Dinwiddle to 
warn the French out of the British possessions. 
Now George Washington stands to me always as a 
type of the Colonial man. He was not born in Eng- 
land ; he was the fourth of the family in America. 
His great grandfather migrated here, and therefore 
he grew up under American environment, and I 
think of him always as a soldier. What a mag- 
nificent form and physique he had ! Do we realize 
that George Washington stood six feet and two 
inches in height? What a magnificent specimen 
he was. I doubt whetlier there is a man in the 
room who would have over-topped him. Six feet 
and tw^o inches in height, with great, strong bones, 



large hands and large feet. He wore number eleven 
shoes and number twelve boots. He was a big man, 
this man Washington was. He could get no gloves 
ready made that would button around his great 
wrists. He had to have his gloves made to order. 
It was said of him that he could outrun any boy in 
colonial Virginia. No wonder he could outrun any 
boy. The rest of them were handicapped, because 
you know the old law in physics — the longer the 
pendulum the greater the swing. Of course he 
could outrun any of them, and he could outwrestle 
any of them. It was said of him that he could 
throw a Spanish milled dollar across the lower 
waters of the Rappahannock River. When you go 
there and see the width of that river, you will begin 
to doubt that story; but there is always somebody 
to explain it by saying that money went farther in 
those days than it does at the present time. So 
this man Washington was a type of our Colonial 
Virginian. I think of him, if you will pardon me, 
with some pride because I myself am of Virginian 
descent. I suppose in that I am different from most 
of the men here ; most of you probably are of New 
England descent. I am one of the very few men 
born outside of this New England who have ever 
achieved greatness. (Laughter). My ancestor was 
Captain Sparkes, he spelled his name S-p-a-r-k-e-s, 
which was a good plebeian name, as far as I know. 
The man who achieved the greatest fame of that 
name was at one time boot-maker to the Queen. 
Captain Sparkes came over in the second London 
Company, and when the division of land was made 
there at Jamestown, they gave him some land out 
on the Jamestown Neck. I suppose it was so poor 
that no one else would take it. Therefore the family 
I might say, in the slang of the day, got it in the 
neck very early in that way; and they have been 
getting it ever since that time. To illustrate again, 
a physician last year was treating me for rheu- 
matism, and he asked. "Is there any gout in your 
family?" ''Oh, no," I said "any family that came 



from the Jamestown Neck never was rich enough 
to have the gout." 

It was from the uplands of old Virginia that the 
first recorded incursion was made across the moun- 
tains into the West. Not that I claim anything extra- 
ordinary for Virginia in the way of courage. When 
it came to the Revolution, Virginia did not start 
the ball rolling. It was Massachusetts Bay with 
the tea party that started the thing up there, because 
it was a commercial war. But on the other hand, 
the Virginians were hardy woodmen ; they depended 
for food very largely upon their long rifles. 
Colonel Durrett, of Louisville, Kentucky, has a rifle 
which he says belonged to Daniel Boone. I cannot 
testify as to that. I never had a chance to interview 
Daniel Boone about that gun. In fact I may never 
have a chance, because he was a very good man as 
I understand. (Laughter.) But in any event the 
gun was shown to me, and when placing the butt 
upon the ground, I found that the end of the barrel 
came just to my eyes. The barrel was hammered 
out by hand. Daniel Boone, a South Carolinian, 
is a type of man of the early days, who migrated 
across the Allegheny Mountains. I think of Daniel 
Boone as a discoverer, like Columbus, a man who 
found a new world in the western land. In 1769 
Daniel Boone felt his way across the mountains and 
through the valleys, marking the trees with his 
tomahawk so that he could find his way back to 
the settlements. He made his way through that 
wonderful Cumberland Gap into the Blue Grass 
region of Kentucky. He was the typical pioneer 
Colonel, the first of the bourbons that ever trod the 
Blue Grass country. I also think of the labors 
of another man, Robertson, who the same year made 
his way across the mountains and along the w^aters 
of the Cumberland River until he came to the place 
above the big lick and there he laid the foundations 
of the great city of Nashville, Tennessee. Or I am 
thinking again of 1788 when a party of men in a 
covered wagon drawn by six oxen left Ipswich, Mas- 



13 



sachusetts, the pioneers that went over and founded 
the town of Marietta, the first settlement in the 
Northwest Territory. Perhaps some of them were 
the ancestors of you gentlemen who are seated here 
this evening. And let us not forget the hardships 
endured by those pioneers of the early days. When 
Abraham Lincoln's mother died in a lonely cabin in 
Southern Indiana, there was no physician within 
thirty-five miles at that time, and she died of that 
horrible, that unknown, that mysterious thing they 
call the "milk sickness." Nobody knew what caused 
it; it was supposed to be due to some poisonous 
herb eaten by the cows. When Abraham Lincoln, 
as a boy, went to bed at night, he climbed up a 
ladder in the wooden cabin and slept upon a bed in 
the loft made of hay and fodder. From these hard 
conditions he rose to be the president of these 
United States, the finest type of the first great 
American. 

"Nature they say doth dote, and cannot make a man 
Save on some worn out plan repeating us by rote: 

For him her Old World molds aside she threw, 

And choosing sweet clay from the breast 

Of the unexhausted West 
With stuff untainted shaped a hero new. 
Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true." 

We ask what caused the downfall of Rome? 
Her people grew enervated, over-luxurious, effem- 
inate. Every road led to Rome, and with the 
riches of the provinces to draw from, they grew 
rich, over-luxurious. They tried to rival each 
other in orgies of the most extravagant kind. It 
is history that one man gave a banquet at which the 
principal dish was nightingale's tongues. As a 
result of this over-luxuriousness, over-effeminacy, 
Rome's national character was weakened and the 
destruction of Rome inevitably followed. Yet here 
in America today we are richer than any Roman 
ever dreamed of being. And if we have not become 
over-luxurious and effeminate and weak in our 
national character, I believe much of the reason 

14 



must be sought in the pioneer days ; in the hardships 
of the early days that formed the American char- 
acter such as it is at the present time. There are 
many here whose ancestors aided in the pioneer 
work, who built up the American life and who 
founded the American character. I say therefore 
that this pioneer movement of the West has con- 
stantly recruited the older parts and revivified the 
older states. Members of the Society of Colonial 
Wars, your ancestors, the men who began this great 
westward movement, that paved the way for others 
to follow, those are the men I fain would eulogize 
this evening. 

Another interesting thing about this movement 
of the American people is that it has been almost a 
due west movement. I looked up the statistics the 
other day, and if I am correct, for every five thou- 
sand people that were born in the state of New 
York and migrated to the state of Michigan, that 
is, for every five thousand Michiganders that were 
born in New York — only one hundred and twenty- 
five New Yorkers have gone down to live in Arkan- 
sas. That does not speak entirely to the dispar- 
agement of Arkansas, because we shall find on 
the other hand that for every five thousand South 
Carolinians that went across to live in Arkansas, 
only two hundred and sixty-eight came up to live 
in Michigan. In other words, it has been a due 
west line of migration. If I were to seek out your 
ancestors, I might find somebody in the audience 
whose father came from Kentucky and whose 
grandfather came from Virginia. Or I might find 
somebody whose father came from Tennessee and 
his grandfather from South Carolina. But I should 
not count upon finding them ; I should, on the con- 
trary, expect to find here in Michigan a great 
many whose ancestors came from New York, hav- 
ing a grandfather from Connecticut or a great- 
grandfather from Massachusetts or New Hampshire. 

It has been a due west movement. Straight 
across the continent we have marched on, and that 

15 



has been a most unfortunate thing in one way — 
most unfortunate — because it constantly tended 
to sectionaHsm. 1619 is a famous date in American 
history. That was the date on which the Pilgrim 
was finding his way across the Atlantic in the May- 
flower, ultimately to land upon Plymouth Rock, the 
representative of freedom, of equality, of democ- 
racy. It was the same year in which the slave was 
first brought into Jamestown, to represent a system 
founded upon false economic principles. For two 
hundred years like hostile peoples, they advanced 
across the continent, each section convinced that it 
was right and that the other was wrong, and finally 
they came to the great rupture, the suicidal war; a 
war which decreased our population; a war which 
stopped for the time railroad building and western 
expansion; a war which decreased our patents for 
peace something like fifteen per cent and increased 
the patents applied to war something like thirty-five 
per cent ; a war which piled up billions of dollars of 
national debt that we have never gotten rid of to 
the present day; a war which made many officers 
famous, but also made many widows and many 
orphans. 

"Heroes who ofifer up their lives 
On the country's fiery altar stone, 
They do not offer themselves alone, 
What is to become of the soldier's waives? 
They stay at home in the little cot, 
Some to weed the garden plot, 
Others to ply the needle and thread. 
For the soldier's children must be fed." 

If we could only have brought some Southern 
people to live in the Northern States, and Northern 
people to live in the Southern States, we might have 
avoided the final appeal to the sword. But such it 
was to be, in God's providence. And after we got 
over the war, there came that fearful ordeal of 
Reconstruction, an ordeal which the Southern 
people to this day have never forgiven, and right- 
fully; an ordeal which saddled upon them enor- 
mous State debts ; which put the negro in the saddle 

16 



for the time being; and which kept those misguided 
people prostrate until we came to the time when a 
president was elected from the state of Ohio, who 
had the moral courage, although he broke with his 
party, to withdraw the Federal troops from the 
South and thus to end the great regime of Recon- 
struction ; to bring many years nearer the great era 
of peace and true conciliation. And when finally 
time has rectified our vision, when at last our minds 
have been cleared from prejudice, then, my friends, 
Rutherford B. Hayes will be given due credit. 
From that time on we have been cemented into the 
great union that you are living under and depending 
upon here this evening. 

What at last is the idea of the whole American 
epic? What is the essence? In 1492 Christopher 
Columbus set sail upon the sea, voyaging boldly 
into the west, and it was just four hundred years 
when the work was complete. He brought the 
civilization to the eastern side of the continent. In 
1898 Admiral Dewey completed the journey when 
he went into the Philippines, almost the very place 
that Columbus sailed to reach. Four hundred years 
had passed, and the civilization which Admiral 
Dewey carried with him on that expedition was 
infinitely higher, infinitely broader and infinitely 
better than the civilization which Christopher 
Columbus provided four hundred years before. 
Why? Because it meant a change from the arbi- 
trary, absolute rule of Spain to the free government 
of the United States of America. 

We are celebrating now the founding of James- 
town. The date is on the insignia of your order, 
1607. It was just one hundred and seventy years 
after that event before civilization crossed the moun- 
tains and planted the first government south of the 
Ohio river; it was one hundred and eighty years 
before civilization crossed the mountains and 
planted the first settlement in the Territory north 
of the Ohio. But having once crossed the moun- 
tains, civilization required only thirty-six years to 

17 



bring in the first state, Missouri, beyond the Mis- 
sissippi river; and after Missouri was brought in 
it took only thirty years more to cross the rest of 
the continent and bring Cahfornia into the bond of 
states. The movement constantly increased in speed 
as we crossed the continent. Why? Because we 
had better methods of transportation, greater num- 
bers of people and accumulated wealth, and because 
the French and the Spanish at last had been elbowed 
from the North American Continent. 

I am aware that we are on historic ground here 
in Detroit. I am aware that first here came Cadillac 
bearing the lilies of France, as typified by this flag. 
I am aware that in 1760 there came the British 
flag, and that for a number of years, thirty years or 
more, the British flag floated over this region. And 
then I am aware also that in 1796 the British flag 
went down and these stars and stripes of the United 
States were raised over the City of the Straits, not 
to be lowered in God's providence, I hope, in all 
time to come. (Applause.) So here we are upon 
this historic ground of ours; and yet America has 
played a small part in the great onward movement 
of the world. I have tried to show that when we 
went into the Philippines it was the end and not 
the beginning of the modern western movement. 

My mind runs back of that to the great move- 
ment of which we are one part, in which our patriots 
and pioneers have a place. In my imagination I go 
back to the great beginnings of the modern move- 
ment, away back to the valley of the Euphrates 
where were built Assyria and Babylonia. There 
for the first time modern ideas of government were 
evolved in a government which taught that man 
was created for the state and not the state for man. 
The next great step beyond that was in Greece when 
civilization so far advanced in form, in shape, in 
architecture, in art, as to contribute another element, 
the element of art, to the civilization which we have 
inherited at the present day. Then civilization ad- 
vanced on to the west and developed the great 



empire of Rome, which gave organization ; organi- 
zation to the church, organization to the army and 
organization to the state, but stiU considered man 
as made for the state. Then came the Saxons and 
the Angles, and the Jutes, free men in the woods 
along the Rhine, where one man was king of the 
tribe as long as his might made him king ; and when 
another man arose more powerful in arms, he was 
chosen king, precisely as we choose a president by 
political strength in these United States. They 
brought to England the element of individuality, 
the element of individual freedom, individual right. 
The conception of democracy was developed in 
modern England to be transplanted to America. 
Elere then we have the four great elements, and, 
my friends, we make the fifth. We form the fifth in 
America because here we have the civilization of 
the ancient Euphrates river, of Babylonia and 
Assyria. Here we have the art of the Greek. Here 
we have the organization of the Roman. Here we 
have the freedom of the Anglo-Saxon. And with 
these things in mind, the manner in which these 
problems have been worked out, the part played 
by our pioneers and patriots held in remembrance, 
we can appreciate what was meant by Bishop 
Berkeley when he said : 

"Westward the course of Empire takes its way; 
The four first acts already past, 
A fifth shall close the drama with the day; 
Time's noblest ofifspring is the last." 



THE BOUNDARY LINES OF THE UNITED 

STATES UNDER THE TREATY 

OF 1782. 



ADDRESS OF 

MR. CLARENCE M. BURTON, 

May 7, 1907. 



Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 

After the words that my classmate has said, I 
hardly know how to proceed. 

I think it is not necessary to tell you that the 
foundation for the history of the Northwest Terri- 
tory lies largely in the unpublished documents in 
the British Museum and the Public Record office 
in London. The American papers on the subject 
of the Treaty of 1783 at the close of the Revolu- 
tionary War, have been collected and printed by 
Mr. Sparks in twelve volumes of the diplomatic 
correspondence of the Revolution. They have 
recently, within the last few years, been re-printed 
and added to, in the Wharton collection. But the 
papers on the British side, with few exceptions, are 
still unpublished, and it is among those papers that 
I spent a good portion of my vacation while in the 
city of London. A few of them are in the British 
Museum, but nearly all are in the Public Record 
Office. I had some trouble in getting in there, but 
succeeded through the kindness of Mr. Carter, who 
represents our Government in London, and made 
as many extracts as I could pertaining exclusively 
to Detroit and the Northwest. While the collec- 
tion there extends to every part of the United 
States, I was particularly interested in our own 
state, in our own part of the country. The time 
permitted me this evening is so short that I can 
only refer to a few of these papers, and I refer to 
them for the purpose of showing how it came 
about that Michigan became a part of the United 
States. That at first sight might seem very simple 



to be determined, and yet I find it very difficult to 
answer, and I do not know now that I have found 
much that would lead to a complete determination 
of the reason for this form of our Treaty. The first 
papers that attracted my attention I found in the 
British Museum. They consisted of some corre- 
spondence in French between the British Govern- 
ment and the French Government relating to the 
troubles that had arisen along the Ohio river, 
and in that matter Detroit took a very active in- 
terest about the year 1754. These papers finally 
ended in a proposition on the part of Great Britain 
to accept as the north boundary line the river that 
we call the Maumee, on which Toledo is situated. 
The country immediately south of this to be neutral 
ground. This was in 1754:. If that boundary line 
had been established ; if that agreement had been 
accepted by the two countries, Michigan would have 
remained French Territory, and perhaps the war 
which immediately succeeded would not have taken 
place, and in all probability Canada would still have 
been a French possession. In the midst of these 
negotiations, they were terminated. I did not know 
at the time why, but I found in my searches a little 
book which I have now, evidently written by some 
member of the Privy Council, telling the reasons 
for breaking off the negotiations, and for causing 
the war which terminated in 1763.* At the end 
of the war, the treaty of Paris gave to Great Britain 
all of Canada, and Canada at that time was sup- 
posed to include all of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, 
all of the land north and west of the Ohio river. 
The same year that this treaty was entered into, 
Great Britian established the Province of Quebec. 
One of the peculiar matters connected with this 
establishment of the Province of Quebec I shall refer 
to hereafter. Quebec as established in 1763. was 
nearly a triangle. The south boundary line of the 
Province extended from Lake Nipissing to the St. 
Lawrence river near Lake St. Francis. Michigan 

* This book is entitled, "The Conrinct of the Ministry Impartially Ex- 
amined." and was published in London in 1756. 



and all of the lower part of Canada, and all of the 
Ohio district, were entirely omitted; so that by the 
proclamation of 1763, no portion of that country 
was under any form of government whatever. This 
was likely to lead to trouble with Great Britain and 
with the people in Detroit, for Detroit was the most 
prominent and important place in the whole of that 
district. Within a few years after the establish- 
ment of the Province of Quebec, a man by the 
name of Isenhart was murdered in Detroit by 
Michael Due, a Frenchman. Due was arrested, tes- 
timony was taken here before Philip Dejean, our 
justice, and after his guilt was established, Due was 
sent to Quebec for trial and execution. After he was 
convicted they sent him back to Montreal, so that 
he could be executed among his friends. The mat- 
ter was brought before the Privy Council to de- 
termine under what law and by what right Due was 
tried at all. They executed the poor fellow, and 
then made the inquiry afterwards. It was finally 
decided that they could try him under a special pro- 
vision in the Mutiny Act, but they had to acknowl- 
edge that at that time they absolutely had no control, 
by law, over our portion of the Northwest Terri- 
tory, and that the land where we are was subject 
to the king exclusively, and was not under any 
military authority except as he directed it. In 
1774 the Quebec Act was passed, and by that act 
the boundary lines of the Province of Quebec 
were so enlarged as to include all of the Ohio 
country and all the land north of the Ohio river; 
so that from 1774 until the close of the Revolu- 
tionary War, Canada and the Province of Quebec 
included all of the land on which we are situated 
as well as the present Canada, Ohio, Illinois, 
Indiana, Wisconsin and Minnesota. 

Now, when we come to the treaty of peace, or 
the preliminary treaty of peace in 1782, the first 
thing that I found of interest was the fact that 
Franklin, who was then in Paris, was quite anxious 
that some effort should be made to close up the 
war. There never has been a moment from the 

23 



time the war first started that efforts were not being 
made along some Hne to bring it to a conclusion, 
but it was the efforts of Mr. Franklin in the spring 
of 1783 that finally brought the parties together. 
The man who acted at that time for the British 
Government was Richard Oswald. He was sent 
from London to Paris to represent his government, 
and to see if something could not be done with Mr. 
Franklin to negotiate a treaty. Those of you who 
have been in Paris will recollect that the house in 
which Mr. Franklin lived while there was not then 
within the city limits. It was in Passy, a little vil- 
lage some three or four miles distant, but now 
within the city limits. The place is now marked by 
a tablet a little above the heads of the passersby, 
on Singer Street, indicating that Franklin lived 
there during the time of which I am speaking, 1783, 
and some time later. He was sick. He was unable 
at various times to leave his apartments at all, and 
much of the negotiations took place in his private 
rooms on Singer Street in Passy. 

As I said before, the proceedings on the part of 
the American Commissioners have all been pub- 
lished, but Mr. Oswald kept minutes of his own, 
and these, with a few exceptions, have not been 
printed. These and the papers that are connected 
with them, I had the pleasure of examining and 
abstracting, if I may use that term, during the past 
winter. I find that on April 25, 1783, Mr. Richard 
Oswald returned to Paris, and that place was named 
as the city for settling up the affairs of the Revo- 
lutionary War, if it was possible, with Dr. Franklin. 
The principal point was the allowance of the inde- 
pendence of the United States, upon the restoration 
of Great Britian to the situation in which she was 
placed before the Treaty of 1763. Of course you 
will see that the question that came before the com- 
missioners at once was as tO' what constituted Can- 
ada, or what constituted the Province of Quebec. 
I think that Great Britain made a blunder, and a 
serious blunder for herself, in establishing the 
Province of Ouebec within the restricted lines of 



Lake Nipissing, and the reason of her making this 
Hne I believe was this. She had once before taken 
Canada from the French, and then restored it. She 
did not know but what she might again be called 
upon to restore Canada to France. But if she had 
to restore it, she proposed to restore only that por- 
tion of it that she considered to be Canada, that is 
the land lying north and east of the line from Lake 
Nipissing to the St. Lawrence river. She would 
maintain, if the time again came to surrender Can- 
ada to France, that all the land lying below that 
line was her own possession, and not a part of the 
land that she had taken from France. Now she 
found that in order to be restored to the situation 
she occupied before 1763, she must abandon the land 
lying below that line, and thereafter it would be- 
come part of the United States. So that one of 
the principal features of this new treaty was to be 
the restoration of Great Britain to the situation that 
was occupied by her before the Treaty of 1763. 

The peculiar formation of the lines that marked 
the province of Quebec in the proclamation of 1763 
attracted my attention, and I undertook to study out 
the reason for so shaping the province, and some 
years ago wrote out the reason that I have outlined 
tonight. I did not know then that there were docu- 
ments in existence to prove the truth of my theory. 

In July, 1763, Lord Egremont, Secretary of 
State, reported to the Lord of Trade that the King 
approved of the formation of the new government 
of Canada, but that the limits had not been defined. 
The King thought that great inconvenience might 
arise if a large tract of land was left without being 
subject to the jurisdiction of some Governor and 
that it would be difficult to bring criminals and 
fugitives, who might take refuge in this country, 
to justice. He therefore thought it best to include 
in the commission for the Governor of Canada, 
jurisdiction of all the great lakes, Ontario, Erie, 
Huron, Michigan and Superior, with all of the 
country as far north and west as the limits of the 
Hudson Bay Company and the Mississippi, and all 



lands ceded by the late treaty, unless the Lords of 
Trade should suggest a better distribution. 

On the 5th of August the Lords of Trade sub- 
mitted their plan for the Government of Quebec, 
a portion of which I will read, as follows : 

"We are apprehensive that, should this country 
be annexed to the Government of Canada, a colour 
might be taken on some future occasion, for sup- 
posing that your Majesty's title to it had taken its 
rise singly from the cessions made by France in the 
late treaty, whereas your Majesty's titles to the 
lakes and circumjacent territory, as well as 
sovereignty over the Indian tribes, particularly of 
the Six Nations, rests on a more solid and even a 
more equitable foundation ; and perhaps nothing is 
more necessary than that just impressions on this 
subject should be carefully preserved in the minds 
of the savages, whose ideas might be blended and 
confounded if they should be brought to consider 
themselves under the government of Canada." 

Conformable to the report of the Lords of Trade, 
the King, on September 19th, said that he was 
pleased to lay aside the idea of including within the 
government of Canada, or any established colony, 
the lands that were reserved for the use of the 
Indians. 

He directed that the commission to be issued to 
James Murray comprehend that part of Canada 
lying on the north side of the St. Lawrence river 
which was included within the Province of Quebec. 

The commission to James Murray as Captain- 
General and Governor of the Province of Quebec, 
which was issued November 14, 1763, bounded the 
province on the south by a line drawn from the 
south end of Lake Nipissing to a point where the 
forty-fifth degree of north latitude crosses the St. 
Lawrence river — the westerly end of Lake St. 
Francis. 

In settling the line of the United States in 1782, 
it was very convenient for our commissioners to 
claim that the Lake Nipissing line was the northern 
boundary of the new government, for it gave to 

26 



England all the lands she claimed to have won by 
the contest with France, and this line Great Britain 
could not well dispute. 

I found here a letter from Governor Haldimand, 
and it is interesting just at this point, because it 
gives his idea of the American Army. 

"It is not the number of troops that Mr. Wash- 
ington can spare from his army that is to be appre- 
hended ; it is their multitude of militia and men in 
arms ready to turn out at an hour's notice upon 
the show of a single regiment of Continental troops 
that will oppose the attempt, the facility of which 
has been fatally experienced." So Haldimand was 
writing to the home office that they must have peace 
because they could not contend against the militia 
of the United States. 

In the various interviews that Mr. Oswald re- 
ports, he says that Franklin and Laurens main- 
tained that Canada, Nova Scotia, East Florida, 
Newfoundland and the West India Islands should 
still remain British colonies in the event of peace. 
Mr. Oswald reported that in all the conversations 
on this subject, no inclination was ever shown by 
the Americans to dispute the right of Great Britain 
to these colonies, and he adds, "Which, I own, I 
was very much surprised at, and had I been an 
American, acting in the same character as those 
commissioners, I should have held a different lan- 
guage to those of Great Britain, and would have 
plainly told them that for the sake of future peace 
of America, they must entirely quit possession of 
every part of that continent, so as the whole might 
be brought under the cover of one and the same 
political constitution, and so must include under 
the head of independence, to make it real and com- 
plete, all Nova Scotia, Canada, Newfoundland and 
East Florida. That this must have been granted if 
insisted upon, I think is past all doubt, considering 
the present unhappy situation of things." 

Well, he did not understand Mr. Franklin, be- 
cause Franklin was sitting there day after day, 
doing a great deal of thinking and letting; Mr. 

27 



Oswald do the talking, and when it came to the 
time for Mr. Franklin to give forth his own ideas, 
they were very different from what Mr. Oswald 
thought they were. Franklin told Oswald on July 
8th that there could be no solid peace while Canada 
remained an English possession. That was the first 
statement that Franklin made regarding his ideas 
of where the boundary line ought to be. A few 
days after this, the first draft of the treaty was 
made, and it was sent to London on July 10th, 1783. 
The third article requires that the boundaries of 
Canada be confined to the lines given in the Quebec 
Act of 1774, "or even to a more contracted state." 
An additional number of articles were to be con- 
sidered as advisable, the fourth one being the giving 
up by Great Britain of every part of Canada. 
Oswald had formerly suggested that the back lands 
of Canada — that is the Ohio lands — be set apart 
and sold for the benefit of the loyal sufferers; but 
now Franklin insisted that these back lands be ceded 
to the United States without any stipulation what- 
ever as to their disposal. Many of the states had 
confiscated the lands and property of the loyalists, 
and there was an effort on the part of Oswald to 
get our new government to recognize these con- 
fiscations and repay them, or to sell the lands in the 
Ohio country and pay the loyalists from the sale of 
those lands. A set of instructions to Oswald was 
made on July 31st and sent over, but the article 
referring to this matter was afterwards stricken out, 
so that it does not appear in any of the printed pro- 
ceedings. The portion that was stricken out reads 
as follows : "You will endeavor to make use of our 
reserve title to those ungranted lands which lie to 
the westward of the boundaries of the provinces as 
defined in the proclamations before mentioned in 
1763, and to stipulate for the annexation of a por- 
tion of them to each province in lieu of what they 
shall restore to the refugees and loyalists, whose 
estates they have seized or confiscated." 

But Franklin refused to acknowledge any of those 
debts. He said that if any loyalists had suffered, 

28 



they had suffered because they had been the ones 
who had instigated the war, and they must not be 
repaid, and he would not permit them to be repaid 
out of any lands that belonged to the United States ; 
that if Great Britain herself wanted to repay them, 
he had no objection. In a conversation John Jay, 
who came from Spain and took part in these nego- 
tiations, told the British Commissioner that England 
had taken great advantage of France in 1763 in 
taking Canada from her and he did not propose that 
England should serve the United States in the same 
manner, and he, Jay, was not as favorable to peace 
as was Franklin. 

On the 18th of August, a few days later, Oswald 
wrote : "The Commissioners here insist on their inde- 
pendence, and consequently on a cession of the whole 
territory, and the misfortune is that their demand 
must be complied with in order to avoid the worst 
consequences, either respecting them in particular, or 
the object of general pacification with the foreign 
states, as to which nothing can be done until the 
American independence is effected." He recites 
the situation in America; the garrisons of British 
troops at the mercy of the Americans, the situation 
of the loyalists, and the evacuations then taking 
place. In all these negotiations, there was a con- 
stant determination taken by Franklin to hold the 
territory in the west and on the north. 

In the last of August, 1782, the commissioners 
set about determining the boundary lines for the 
new government, which they fixed in the draft of 
the treaty so as to include in the United States that 
part of Canada which was added to it by act of 
parliament of 1774. "If this is not granted there 
will be a good deal of difficulty in settling these 
boundaries between Canada and several of the 
states, especially on the western frontier, as the addi- 
tion sweeps around behind them, and I make no 
doubt that a refusal would occasion a particular 
grudge, as a deprivation of an extent of valuable 
territory, the several provinces have always counted 
upon as their own, and only waiting to be settled 

20 



and taken into their respective governments, accord- 
ing as their population increased and encouraged a 
further extension westward. I therefore suppose 
this demand will be granted, upon certain condi- 
tions." It seems that in the preceding April, Frank- 
lin had proposed that the back lands of Canada 
should be entirely given up to the United States, 
and that Great Britain should grant a sum of money 
to repay the losses of the sufferers in the war. He 
had also proposed that certain unsold lands in 
America should be disposed of for the benefit of 
the sufferers on both sides.* Franklin had with- 
drawn this proposal and now refused to consent 
to it, although strongly urged by Oswald, who 
wrote, "I am afraid it will not be possible to bring 
him (Franklin) back to the proposition made in 
April last, though I shall try." 

The preliminary articles of peace were agreed 
upon by Oswald and Franklin and Jay, October 7, 
1782, and the northern boundary line of the United 
States extends from the east, westerly on the 45th 
degree of north latitude until the St. Lawrence 
river was reached, then to the easterly end of Lake 
Nipissing, and then straight to the source of the 
Mississippi. If you will remember that Lake Nipis- 
sing is opposite the northern end of Georgian Bay, 
you will see that the line as laid down in this draft 
of the treaty would include within the United 
States all of the territory that is across the river 
from Detroit, all of the southerly portion of what 
formerly constituted Upper Canada. Mr. Franklin 
at this time wrote: "They want to bring their 
boundaries down to the Ohio, and to settle their 
loyalists in the Illinois country. We did not choose 
such neighbors." 

Mr. Franklin at this time was seventy-eight years 
of age, a very old man to put in such a responsible 
place. In October, Henry Strachey was sent over 
to assist Mr. Oswald, and in some ways I think Mr. 
Strachey was a sharper, brighter man than Mr. 

• These unsold lands were those claimed as Crown lands in New York 
and elsewhere, considered as the private property of the Crown. 



Oswald was, although Mr. Oswald was probably a 
very good man for the position. I think, however, 
that diplomatically, the representatives of the United 
States were the greater men. Henry Strachey was 
sent over to assist Oswald and particularly to aid 
him in fixing the boundary lines. The matter was 
thought to be of too great importance for one man 
and Lord Townshend, in introducing Strachey to 
Oswald, told him that Strachey would share the 
responsibility of fixing the boundaries, which was 
great, with him. 

If any of you have ever had occasion to read 
the treaties of 1782 and 1783 carefully, you will 
find that in outlining the boundary line, one line 
was omitted. The draft that I found of this treaty 
I think is in the handwriting of John Jay, and cer- 
tainly Mr. Jay as a lawyer ought to have been suf- 
ficiently conversant with real estate transfers to 
have drawn a proper deed ; but one line is omitted, 
and that is the line extending from the south end of 
the St. Mary's river to Lake Superior, and that 
omission has been copied in every copy of the treaty 
that has since been made, so far as I have been able 
to ascertain. The map that was used on the occa- 
sion was a large wall map of Mitchell, printed some 
years previous to 1783. I got the original map 
that was used on that occasion, and on that I found 
a large, heavy red line drawn straight across the 
country from Lake Nipissing to near Lake St. 
Francis, and then along the St. Lawrence river, and 
westward from Lake Nipissing to the Mississippi. 
That was one line. The other line running as we 
now know the boundary, through the center of the 
lakes. This map I hunted for for several davs, but 
finally found it in the public record office in'Chan- 
cery Lane. 

On November 5th, 1782, the commissioners 
nearly broke ofif all negotiations from quarreling 
about the boundary lines, and were about to quit 
when they concluded to try it once more, and went 
at it. A new draft of the treaty was made Novem- 
ber 8th, on which the north boundary line was fixed 



at the forty-fifth degree of north latitude. That 
would run straight across the country through 
Alpena. If that line had been accepted, and it came 
very near being accepted at one time, the entire 
northern peninsula of Michigan, and all the land in 
the southern peninsula north of Alpena would have 
been British possessions, while the land across the 
river from us here at Detroit would have been part of 
the United States. When this draft was sent over to 
England, an alternative line was sent over with it, 
and the alternative line was the line that we know 
as the boundary line, along the lakes. In sending 
over this proposition, Strachey said that the draft 
of the treaty must be prepared in London, and the 
expressions contained in the treaty made as tight 
as possible, "for these Americans are the greatest 
quibblers I ever knew." The above draft of the 
treaty was handed to Richard Jackson, and he re- 
marked on its margin, that it looked more like an 
ultimatum than a treaty, and in a letter of Novem- 
ber 12th, 1782, he wrote, "I am, however, free to 
say that so far as my judgment goes and ought to 
weigh, I am of opinion in the cruel, almost hopeless, 
situation of this country, a treaty of peace ought to 
be made on the terms offered." 

On November 11th, 1782, at eleven o'clock at 
night, Strachey writes that the terms of the treaty 
of peace have finally been agreed upon. "Now we 
are to be hanged or applauded for thus rescuing 
you from the American war. I am ha.ll dead with 
perpetual anxiety, and shall not be at ease till I 
see how the great men receive me. If this is not as 
good a peace as was expected, I am confident that 
it is the best that could have been made." A few 
days later he writes, "The treaty is signed and 
sealed, and is now sent, God forbid that I should 
ever have a hand in another treaty." The final 
treaty of peace was signed at that time, and a few 
days later, on the 30th of January, 1783, the treaty 
of peace on which it depended, that is the treaty 
between the other governments of Europe and Eng- 
land, was signed and the war was at an end. 

32 



otP iO lyub 



28 1 



:'^'< 



■ft < '-d. lyr 



' m, 



^ 



s- 



V 



\~- 









"■' ' »'rA^^A' 



.,V 



A 






'•>■, 






''^^n'^f 






■*v 



s 



VJ)i 






^'•.^^./J^^- ^ 




>y ^., 









' o e S ^ A ' * 



»(K» 



■W 



,^<SI ' \Cj "7*, \i. 

V c;V^' '' ■% ^ ^'^ 



o. 







0^ 


f - 




;\ 


■^^r. 





■1^ o 



-> r" ^-^-v:;^^^ 
^o/ :^^' 






.-^' 












,<t .\r.^-?A% % A^ .V 






■'-i- 






K^ 



JAN 1 3 1989 









